On June 24, El Salvador's Legislative Assembly approved, by an overwhelming 56 votes to 1, the 52nd extension of the state of exception (régimen de excepción). Since it was first declared in March 2022, the measure has been renewed every month, and the period from June 30 to July 29 adds yet another "30-day extension" to the pile. The cumulative number of arrests has surpassed 92,480. That number, "52," shows that a situation in which constitutional rights have been suspended for more than four years is no longer an "emergency" but a "permanent state."
The Numbers Bukele Cites, the Numbers the Inter-American Commission Cites
The government emphasizes a "dramatic improvement in security." The presidency announced that for 1,136 days since the state of exception began there were days with zero homicides, and the homicide rate fell to 1.3 per 100,000 inhabitants. The transformation of a country once called "the most dangerous in the world" shows up in hard numbers, and it is also a fact that this is what sustains the 56-to-1 pressure in the assembly.
On the other hand, a monitoring report published in 2026 by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH) presents a different set of numbers. Between the start of the state of exception and March 10, 2026, the number of deaths in custody reached at least 500. The Commission documented systematic and widespread unlawful detention, torture, inhumane detention conditions, and the denial of judicial protection, and went so far as to state that "these serious human rights violations could constitute crimes against humanity." "Zero crime" and "500 deaths in custody" exist as two truths at the same time.
When the "Emergency" Becomes the "Normal"
A state of exception is meant to grant exceptional powers, for a limited time, in an emergency that the ordinary legal system cannot handle. In El Salvador's case, detention without a warrant, restrictions on the right to remain silent, limits on access to a lawyer, and the suspension of freedom of assembly have continued together for more than four years. The assembly's near-unanimous monthly renewals mean that the institutional "urgency" has already been lost.
Organizations such as WOLA and Amnesty International criticize this as a "permanent suspension of rights," yet domestic public opinion has continued to support President Bukele. It is also the result of citizens repeatedly answering "safety" at the ballot box when faced with the question of whether to prioritize safety or the rule of law.
The Problem of Exporting a Latin American Model
In a previous article (the spread of mano dura policies to neighboring countries), I discussed how this model is spreading to nearby nations. Here I shift the perspective and turn to the ground beneath El Salvador itself, the "exporter." After 52 extensions, what has this country's judicial system lost through four years of exceptional powers? The more than 500 deaths in custody are recorded as figures that point to the failure of the system.
And yet the fact that the legislature keeps approving it 56 to 1 shows that the achievement of "safety" has the power to mask the erosion of the foundation that is the "rule of law." Latin America is, right now, witnessing the legal continuation of strongman politics backed by the popular will expressed at elections.
My Perspective
What makes me think the hardest about this story is that two truths, "zero crime" and "500 deaths in custody," hold at the same time without contradicting each other. Normally one would cancel out the other, yet in El Salvador both stand side by side as "facts." The dramatic improvement in security is undeniable in the numbers, and it is surely also true that many citizens feel it in daily life. But in the same country, 500 people have died in detention without their guilt ever being established. This very structure, where speaking of one makes the other invisible, is, I feel, the core of how this country is now governed. Safety appears in everyday life as a tangible result, while the erosion of the rule of law is a "cost that arrives late" felt only when you or your family are caught in the net.
Another thing that troubles me is the process by which the "emergency" becomes the "normal." A state of exception is supposed to be a time-limited exception, yet after 52 renewals it has become a de facto permanent institution. And what is frightening is that the one imposing it is not a dictator but an assembly voting 56 to 1, and a popular will repeatedly shown at elections. Citizens themselves sustain the perpetuation of the state of exception through their support, and here lies a difficulty that criticizing strongman politics as merely "illegal" cannot reach. What is being questioned is not a runaway regime but society's own choice that "it is acceptable to give up part of our rights for the sake of safety," and that is surely not a matter for Latin America alone.
Glossary
*régimen de excepción* (régimen de excepción) = state of exception; an exceptional regime that suspends part of constitutional rights for a limited time. *mano dura* (mano dura) = "firm hand"; a general term for security policy that confronts crime with harsh punishment and mass arrests. *CIDH* (Inter-American Commission on Human Rights) = the human rights monitoring body of the Organization of American States (OAS), which investigates and reports on the human rights situation in member states.
The figure of 56 to 1 reveals the true nature of a society in which "security" and "the rule of law" are compressed into a single ballot.
References
- El Salvador extiende el régimen de excepción por 30 días más en su prórroga número 52 | Infobae — infobae.com
- CIDH continúa monitoreando los efectos del régimen de excepción sobre los derechos humanos en El Salvador | OAS/CIDH — oas.org
- Informe Mundial 2026: Tendencias de los derechos en El Salvador | Human Rights Watch — hrw.org
- Cuatro años de permanentes violaciones a derechos humanos en El Salvador y erosión de la democracia | WOLA — wola.org
- Latin America and the Caribbean Overview: June 2026 | ACLED — acleddata.com
※ This article is the author’s commentary based on public information. Please confirm the latest figures, dates and procedures with governments and primary sources. Quotations are kept minimal and sources are cited.